Thursday, July 10, 2008

Tipping Point v2.0

As I've hinted a couple of times, we now have a new version of the model running, which attempts to account for the interrelationships between polling movement in different states. Before I can work up the energy to fully describe that, let me first tell you about the new Tipping-Point States metric that I've developed to accompany it.

A Tipping-Point state is now defined as a states that would be most likely to alter the outcome of a close election if it were decided differently. More specifically, a Tipping-Point State is among the closest states –- taken alone or in combination –- that would give the losing candidate at least 270 electoral votes if transferred to him from the winner’s column, with no wasted electoral votes.

Let me give you a couple of examples. First, 2004, which is an easy one. The closest states won by Bush were New Mexico and Iowa. However, these would not have given John Kerry enough electoral votes even if he had won them. So the third-closest state, Ohio, was the lone Tipping-Point State for that election, since it would have gotten Kerry to 270 all on its own.

Now a somewhat more complicated example: 1960. Richard Nixon was 51 electoral votes shy of winning that election. The closest Kennedy states were as follows:

Hawaii (3)       -0.06%
Illinois (27) -0.19%
Missouri (13) -0.52%
New Mexico (4) -0.74%
New Jersey (16) -0.80%
So, we start with a 51-EV gap and begin whittling those numbers down for Nixon. Giving him Hawaii makes it 48, Illinois makes it 21, Missouri cuts Kennedy's lead to 8, and New Mexico to 4. And then we hit New Jersey, which gives Nixon the election. But it also gives him 12 extra electoral votes.

So we go back through the list in reverse order and see if there is any wastage. In this case, there is. If we place New Mexico back in the Kennedy column, Nixon still has 8 electoral votes to spare. In fact, while we must keep Missouri and Illinois, we can also eliminate Hawaii. So the Tipping-Point states for Nixon in 1960 were Illinois, Missouri, and New Jersey. This was the most efficient possible combination of states that would give him a winning electoral margin.

But I tried to slip one by you there. What do I mean by a "close election"? I mean one in which the electoral math matters. That was the purpose of the graph that I posted this morning:


The Tipping-Point calculation is weighted across each simulation based on the popular vote result predicted in each election. Specifically, it is weighted according to the probability that a candidate with that popular vote share will lose the Electoral College. So a simulation in which the popular vote is divided exactly evenly will be weighted at .5 -- the highest possible weighting. A simulation in which the popular vote margin is 3 points -- that gives the popular vote leader about a 97 percent chance of winning the election -- will be weighted at a .03. Basically, most of the calculation is derived from elections that are decided by a point or two.

So this definition is rather complicated mathematically -- but at the same time, I think it's more intuitive than the previous version. It's definitely a lot more robust.

The hot-off-the-presses Tipping Point numbers are as follows:



Michigan and Ohio will each prove to be decisive in a close election about 30 percent of the time. After that are Colorado and Virginia, which serve as gateways to their respective regions.

The really interesting thing is to compare the Tipping Point states with and without the intrastate (or should that be interstate?) correlations. A state like North Carolina is punished, for instance, for reasons that most of you can probably figure out. But we'll save that for later.

48 comments

Anonymous said...

Hey, are you holding up your sleeve for the next explanation something like what I was guessing - "paths of conquest" where, based on State Similarities, you show that the route to State A2 passes through A1?

Anonymous said...

shouldn't each state's effect on win margin be doubled in the Nixon example? ie, adding Hawaii to the Nixon column should reduce Kennedy's lead from 51 to 45, as it removed 3 electoral votes from Kennedy AND adds three to Nixon

Anonymous said...

ahh, nevermind, i see what you did there now

rusty said...

Let me take a stab at the North Carolina interstate effect. If North Carolina tips, then Virginia also tips 99% of the time, and if Virginia tips then NC is often not needed because other states, or VA alone, will have provided the winning electoral margin.

Probably wrong, but what the heck.

Anonymous said...

How do you account for interventions? Like say we suddenly find out that O fathered a child out of wedlock, or McC passed a significant lobbying favor?

Modeler said...

Hmm... what about this example. Imagine the loss was by 11 electoral votes. The smallest margins of loss were:

New Mexico (5): -0.4%
New Hampshire (4): -0.5%
Montana (3): -0.6%
Missouri (11) -0.7%

If I understand correctly, in this case the first three states would be tipping point states. However, it seems that it is more likely that the candidate would win Missouri than that the candidate would win all three of the other states.

In that sense, I think there was some merit to your old approach.

The Professor said...

Why not just count it as a tipping point if that single state would have switched the election... the various permutations will sort out the multi-state scenarios right?

Anonymous said...

Rasmussen
North Dakota

Obama - 43
McCain - 43

With leaners
McCain - 47
Obama -46

James said...

@ modeler

New Mexico, New Hampshire and Monanta have a combined 6 congressional seats to Missouri's 9. Since congressional seats are a rough proxy for population.

(3*.004)+(2*.005)+(1*.006)= .028
(9*.007) = .063

So winning Missouri would require a candidate to win over voters totaling approx. 6% of a congressional district (20-25,000 voters assuming 50% turnout). Winning the other three states requires a swing of less than half that many voters.

This method removes the previous bias of the tipping point analysis towards individual large states.

Anonymous said...

Very funny...just yesterday a lot of stressed liberals attacked a reliable pollster as Rasmussen because he is republican...today they consider very much the poll on North Dakota...okay okay Obama can win North Dakota and Montana and Virginia and North Carolina...and Georgia...and Mississippi and Alaska and why not? Utah too! please take a breath...election will be very close and McCain is competitive to win...

Conservative from Italy ( Rome )

Steve said...

Great update. How tough would it be to put up an ROI map for the Senate race? I think that would be really valuable, because it can show readers which Senate races make the most sense to spend money on. The ROI presidential map doesn't give activists any useful information, just insight into campaign decisions.

Tim said...

Rusty, you're right. If NC goes Obama, we're essentially sure that VA has already gone for Obama as well, and furthermore that the election as a whole has tipped so far to Obama that we're confident he's already won it, with or without NC's electoral votes. In other words, by the time Obama wins NC, he's clearly already won the election, thus NC isn't much of a true "tipping point" state. Similar statements apply to other states such as ND, MT, and probably even MO and IN to lesser extents.

Basically, the deeper a state is in McCain territory, the better we can feel about Obama's prospects if he wins it. If Obama wins Texas, for example, or Mississippi, of Georgia, we can feel quite confident that he's already won states with similar demographics that are more favorable to him. The whole premise of this site is comparing states and regions by demographic similarity. Thus, we can get a pretty good sense of what kind of demographic shifts would be required in order for moderately or deeply red states to go for Obama and we can apply them across the board. By the time Obama wins any signifcantly red state, he has already won the election.

Jyrinx said...

It's definitely interstate, not intrastate.

(Sweet! I got to contribute! :-) )

Modeler said...

James,

The problem is the distribution of victories. Consider the following simplified example:

New Mexico (5): -0.5%
New Hampshire (4): -0.5%
Montana (3): -0.5%
Missouri (11) -0.7%

Say the likelihood of flipping any one of the first three states is 40%, and the likelihood of flipping Missouri is only 10%. Given the variance in Nate's model, I suspect these are conservative estimates for the point I'm about to make.

The joint probability of all three small states flipping is 6.4%, making it more likely that Missouri flips.

Now there might be interstate correlation, but Nate hasn't taken that into account yet. Even if there is some correlation, it's generally more likely to get a single big flip than a lot of little ones.

I understand that the tipping point analysis favors large states (it still does). However it's supposed to; the ROI analysis corrects for that.

A Big Fan of 538 said...

I have a few comments. First, about, about weighting by the population/EV probability curve. This analysis is predicated by the assumption that some close states would switch which, I would assume, would change the popular vote and hence the weight.

This also seems to hide interesting cases. This weight heavily favors close races when the popular vote is near tied, but aren't tipping point states more interesting when the vote is not tied. Take FL in 2000. I almost want to know the opposite, how likely is a state is sway an election contrary to the popular vote.

My second issue is that we don't know how likely a "close" election is. By the current definition, Michigan is decisive 30% of the time in close elections. Does this happen 1%, 10% or 25% of all simulations? I relation to my previous point, it seems possible that when the election is close, Michigan is also close because it is correlated, say, with the national polls. However, its also possible (though I have no idea how likely) that a state is correlated such that it is likely to switch the vote when the election is not so close. Since the election is currently looking not so close, this might happen alot more, but be weighted less than Michigan's case simply because you favor tipping near a (less likely) popular vote tie.

To me it seems the the tipping point definition is the probabilty that a given state can change the election. I feel like this has a natural definition: average probabilty of that a state switches times the probability of an simulation where a such a switch changes the election. Of course, this is likely to be a small number because of the second factor, but, like you do implcitly above, you can normalize all the probabilities by their sum.

Sorry for the long critical post, but I really find your site fascinating and I am always wondering about slight changes in the simulation.

A Big Fan of 538 said...

One more question, I am not sure a close election is necessarily a likely to change election. Because the polls already indicate a likely winner, aren't some small changes less likely than others?

The case I am considering is take a hypothetical state where the polling is 54 Obama and 46 McCain and the simulation give the state the result 50.1 Obama 49.9 McCain. Isn't s