Very interesting read from Justin Wolfers at the New York Times' Freakonomics blog, who cites research from friend-of-538 Robert Erikson which suggests that polls tend to understate the performance of the incumbent. Political scientists Robert Erikson (of Columbia) and Christopher Wlezien (of Temple) have recently mined daily polling reports from the last half-century of elections, mapping the relationship between early polling numbers and final election returns. At this point in the race, they find that around half of any lead should be discounted, as early advantages tend to dissipate. (You can read the full paper here, or an ungated version here.)
I just looked at this too. Although I doubt that my methodology is anywhere near as robust, I found the same thing that Erikson did: you would need to discount a polling lead more heavily for an incumbent than for a challenger.
Profs. Erikson and Wlezien point to another reason to be wary of Sen. Obama’s early polling lead: On average, the voting public tends to be more strongly anti-incumbent three-and-a-half years into an administration than they are on Election Day. Based on patterns in previous cycles, the professors suggest that this exaggerated anti-incumbent feeling is boosting Sen. Obama’s lead by around three percentage points.
So if you first halve Obama’s six point lead, then subtract a three point anti-incumbency bias, you are left with a dead heat.
The problem is that while McCain comes from the incumbent party, McCain himself is not an incumbent. He is not even a pseudo-incumbent (a.k.a. the sitting Vice President), the first time this situation has occurred since 1952.
Things start to get fairly complicated if you look at the interaction effects between a candidate's lead in the polling, the number of days until the election, and the incumbency, especially since there are different degrees of incumbency, and also interaction effects and various other sorts of non-linearity between all these different variables.
But from what best I can tell, the incumbent effect that Wolfers and Erikson have identified is smaller when we're dealing with the incumbent party rather than an actual, incumbent President -- probably more like one point rather than three at this stage of the cycle. And in '52, when you had neither an incumbent President nor a sitting Vice President running, the large lead that Dwight Eisenhower had in the polling held up quite well.
My general philosophy behind my modeling is to make everything "candidate-neutral". The model knows that there are two candidates and that they have certain polling numbers, but it doesn't know who is a Republican or who is a Democrat, or who is an incumbent and who isn't. So I won't say "the polling numbers will move toward Candidate X", although I do say "the polling numbers are likely to move toward whichever candidate happens to be trailing".
If I did look at that stuff, the numbers might be moved a couple points in McCain's direction, because of this incumbent issue I just described and also because there has been some tendency for the polling to overstate the performance of the Democrat. On the other hand, if one starts to consider candidate-related variables, there are another whole set of 'meta' variables that one might want to evaluate too, such as the condition of the economy, the presence of a war, incumbent approval ratings, and party registration figures. Most of those factors would tend to favor Mr. Obama.
Making things candidate neutral is partially a marketing decision -- I can't imagine how much yelling and screaming there would be if I said "let's give McCain 2 bonus points because he's a Republican" or "let's give Obama 2 bonus points because the economy stinks". But also, the set of past polling data is not that robust -- about 14 elections that were polled scientifically, in only the last several of which did you have multiple agencies releasing polling data at regular intervals. If you want to look at something like "Democrat challenging Republican quasi-incumbent in wartime with crappy economy", your dataset gets down to zero pretty quickly.
Wednesday, July 9, 2008
Quibble
-- Nate Silver at 11:42 AM
Labels: meta, methodology
47 comments
Nate, don't know if you saw that the Rasmussen MO is out with McCain +5 (47-42 and 50-45 with leaners).
The main point is that we already know who the candidates are, and what the environment is like, for this election, so that any decision we make about how to incorporate such variables will have to be biased, consciously or not. We say "this must matter" but some part of us would go for this because IT HELPS OBAMA. We can not make this decision blindly. So indeed better avoid this NOW.
Come December, you should make a decision on how to incorporate meta variables in future elections, and use this decision from 2012 onwards (when, by the way, you will be already established as the major source for data-based political analysis).
"So if you first halve Obama’s six point lead, then subtract a three point anti-incumbency bias, you are left with a dead heat"
Intuitively, this doesn't seem correct...because, if you subtract the three points first, and THEN halve it, you end up with Obama having a 1.5 point lead. Yeah, essentially that's the same as a dead heat at this point, but still...the point is, you come up with a different result. Is there a way to incorporate both adjustmets into one? That would seem like a more correct way of doing it. I could easily be wrong, though.
" Nate, don't know if you saw that the Rasmussen MO is out with McCain +5 (47-42 and 50-45 with leaners).
"
Since he cooperates with Rasmussen, I´m sure that if he does not know the poll results before they are published, he receives their free poll update, at least. And I think every poll freak checks Rasmussen 20x a day (like I do) because they publish most polls. SUSA comes next.
The only polls which are hard to find are unknown pollster polls and university polls. Like SMOR or Texas Lyceum or Baselice or so.
Rasmussen or SUSA is easy.
"The problem is that while McCain comes from the incumbent party, McCain himself is not an incumbent. He is not even a pseudo-incumbent (a.k.a. the sitting Vice President), the first time this situation has occurred since 1952."
Even if McCain WERE a sitting vice president, I'm not sure that would be much of an advantage. The sitting VP running for president has lost four out of the last five elections.
Nate,
I would take exception with applying the "incumbent analysis" to this election. There definitely is an early fatigue against the incumbent President, which corrects as the election gets closer. There is a much different fatigue over seven years into an administration.
A better model would focus on elections following a two term (post 22nd Amendment) incumbent (1960, 1976, 1988, 2000). A universe of four is not much to work with, though we can observe that all four elections were close affairs, and the incumbent party lost three of four.
In 1960, the race was neck-and-neck from June through November. In 1976, Ford was far behind in July, but surged, and lost the popular vote narrowly. In 1988, Bush was behind until the infamous Willie Horton ads, and went on to win a narrow popular vote victory. In 2000, another Bush led most polls during the summer, and the race was neck-and-neck until Gore won the popular vote and lost the EV. A good resource is this paper, containing a graph on page 10, tracking all elections from 1952 to 1992.
Given these four elections as models, it is arguable that there was some anti-incumbent bias which rubbed off on the incumbent VP, and this bias corrected over time. Does this mean an anti-incumbent bias has rubbed off on McCain, and this will correct over time? That is an interesting question, but I believe it overlooks important exogenous factors in the current election.
This election has more than an "anti-incumbency" bias; this election appears to have an "anti-ideology" bias, representing a pendulum swing back to the center, after 26 years of moving to the right (if we assume 1980 as the start of the last swing, and 2006 as the start of the current swing). This is reflected in things such as the "enthusiasm gap" and other measures of the motivation and mood of Democrats, Republicans and independents.
Probably the best model to look at is 1980, where Reagan won a narrow race at a point I would identify as a race defined by an "anti-ideology" bias.
So will polls move back towards McCain over the course of this election? Almost certainly. However, I think to include a correction for "anti-incumbent" bias in this election in your model will cause overcorrection, since I think it is at best a very minor factor, swamped by other, more important factors.
Too much analysis, geez. I've heard so many opinions this year from pundits and historical experts, what a pile of crap. Obama should win because of the economy and the wars and people hate Bush, its that simple. Everything else is over analysis. Obama "should" win by around 4-5 points just based on atmospherics. All the math in the world can't make up for common sense.
Common sense says Obama should win. That doesen't mean he will, but everyone level headed agrees he should. Any Democrat should win this year. If Hillary was the candidate, it would be more certain. The R's would be in deep trouble. She was stronger electorally than Obama. But the Democrat should win this year regardless.
Too much analysis, geez. I've heard so many opinions this year from pundits and historical experts, what a pile of crap. Obama should win because of the economy and the wars and people hate Bush, its that simple. Everything else is over analysis.
If you feel that way, why are you even on this site?
I have a quibble Nate. Why do you have Obama's chances of winning in Mississippi at 8%. McCain is now going up with TV ads in the state! Obviously his internal polling is showing something in Mississippi that is not making him happy. I know you do not put in such things as TV ad buys or voter registration numbers in your formula, but at some point it may be necessary to take into consideration some real world factors such as what is going on on the ground in these states to create a better predicator of where those states will go.
knutsondc @11:39:
By and large I think you're right. When I thought it over, I am pretty sure that even though I can forward the e-mail I get inviting me to the Zogby poll, whomever I forwarded it to would need to "register" before they could take the poll.
I do think though that since Harris "pays" (OK at a rate that's derisory compared to what I could get doing just about anything else for pay) and Zogby doesn't, that means that people who sign up for Zogby have to be extra-interested in politics and current events, or maybe just extra-fond of taking polls, compared to the general population.
BTW I often find the Zogby questions framed in such a way that I can't answer them. They are never open-ended. The "what is the most important issue for you this election" is particularly egregious. I got out of the habit of taking them for a while -- I felt (not unreasonably!) that I was being used to support someone else's unknown agenda.
anon 12:36 -
just not true that Clinton was stronger electorally. At every point during the primary (with the exception of a couple of weeks) Obama strongly outperformed Clinton against McCain in the state polls. Look it up...I do agree that, barring some earth-shaking event, the likelihood is a 4-6 point pop vote win for Obama and somewhere from 320 to 370 EV. If it gets to 6 or 7 points, that may translate into a Reagan 1980 landslide (people tend to forget he won the pop vote by only 7 points, and Bush senior won by only 8, which translated into 400 EVs)
This discussion misses the important thing about being an incumbent (maybe even an incumbent VP) - the candidate can DO things. Sign bills, respond to disasters, that sort of stuff. That can't "rub off" on an incumbent party candidate.
Neither McCain nor Obama are "doing" much in their day jobs (they are still Senators, right?). If one of them could take decisive action in some way in their Senatorial capacity, it might help out.
I'm sure there's more to this swing-towards-the-incumbent tendency of course, but maybe not much more.
Sorry, that comment obviously belongs in the Zogby thread.
The last sentence in the column is money. This is over-analysis by Robert Erikson and a case of looking strictly at trends without trying to actually desccribe what is happeneing. In fact it seems fairly backward, a trend is noticed and then a rationalization is presented. Of course properly it should be a hypotheis is created and tested as being falsifiable. And the hypothesis is not incumbants do b etter over time, the hypothesis needs to be "Since incumbants control policy decisions and can in a sense direct public discourse in their favor, they tend to be able to improve their chances as the election approaches. If this hypothesis is true I should see it in the polling numbers." That is the broad strokes, but it seems to me to be the proper approach.